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PRINTER'S LINE |
Editor: Reazuddin Ahmed.
Published by the Editor on behalf of Newscorp Publications Limited from
Shah Ali Tower (3rd Floor)
33 Karwan Bazar, Dhaka-1215.
Telephone: +8802 9111395
Fax: +8802 9140721
email: newstoday@dhaka.net,
today@bttb.net.bd
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Facing earthquake disasters
The official disclosure in Parliament of grave dangers a future earthquake poses to Dhaka city needs to be taken very seriously by the government as it has its constitutional duty to save as many as 90,000 people from dying following occurrence of a 7 to 7.5 Richter scale tremor. Food and Disaster Management Minister Dr Abdur Razzak informed the Parliament Monday. He said there is no platonic plate of the eight Richter scale intensity of tremor in Dhaka city, but a platonic plate of 7 to 7.5 Richter scale intensity now exists in Madhupur region, about 60 km from Dhaka. Experts say that it is inevitable that a big earthquake will hit us, but the question is when. If history is taken into consideration then it can be presumed that a massive earthquake that hits this region every century or so is now overdue. The last big earthquake was in 1897 which caused widespread destruction in Dhaka and this is 2006. A UN report in 2003 ranks Dhaka as the most vulnerable city at risk of earthquake damage. In another 2001 study of 20 cities of the world, Dhaka ranked topmost in earthquake disaster risk due to its poor building infrastructure lacking earthquake-resistant features, high population density, and poor emergency response and recovery capability. Bangladesh is susceptible to earthquakes due to its close location to the plate margins of Indian and Eurasian plates. The collision of the Indian plate moving northward with the Eurasian plate is the cause of frequent earthquakes in the region comprising Bangladesh and neighbouring India, Nepal and Myanmar. Bangladesh has many such fault lines under its surface. Historically Bangladesh has been affected by five earthquakes of large magnitude (M), greater than 7.0 (Richter scale), during the 61-year period from 1869 to 1930. It’s like living on a time bomb. But concerned authorities must raise their level of awareness about the situation and precautionary measures must be taken in time to minimise the impact if and when such disaster strikes. We must accept that earthquake cannot be prevented and we must learn to leave with earthquake. How do we accomplish the task? We must remember that earthquakes do not kill people rather buildings and houses do. So, the prime task is to achieve earthquake safe construction practice. The global experiences suggest that about 5 percent additional cost of the total normal cost make your house safe. Strengthening of existing seismically vulnerable houses would cost around 10 per cent of the total cost. So an effective mass awareness drive is a must.

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Trade unions and RMG
As we have written often, the RMG sector is now among the leading export earning sectors, and this sector is progressively getting into newer markets globally. Unfortunately, over the years, agitation and unrest in the RMG industries is growing. It is alleged that the RMG owners do not encourage or in some factories allow trade unions as they feel that they have to pay higher waged and extra benefits to the workers, which will diminish their profits. A negative attitude held by the ready-made garments owners stands in the way of trade unionism in the apparel sector, the labour minister has told parliament .While speaking during the passage of the labour amendment bill on Monday, the minister also said that violence in the RMG sector is due to the absence of trade unionism. The minister also urged the garment owners not to consider workers and the government as their “opponents”. An independent MP, who is a garments factory owner, however, opposed the minister saying that there were some trade unions in some factories, and that those units face the most unrest. Due to the absence of trade unions, labour unrests take place from time to time, as opportunists and conspirators are out to undermine our expanding RMG sector by taking advantage of the absence of trade unions leading to absence of negotiated agreements and settlements to stop labour unrest in the factories, The owners, should consider workers as their partners instead of opponents; and the government has to be trusted to solve the RMG problems. The government had formed a wage board to set a fresh minimum wage for RMG workers. With the consensus of the owners and the workers, the government must announce the minimum wage for garment workers soon. Trade unionism in all industrial sectors had not developed and the problem was more acute in the RMG sector, with only 20 to 25 factories having trade unions. This situation must be transformed soon to ensure the steady progress of the RMG sector , to the benefit of the country, the RMG owners, and the workers.

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Militancy in check?
The question of whether militants were involved in the Kyrgyzstan unrest should be of interest for various reasons. More importantly, if it is found that militants were not active in the attacks against ethnic Uzbeks, our government might borrow a tip or two on staving off extremism from their counterparts in Bishkek, writes Huma Yusuf
Kyrgyzstan’s interim leader voted on Sunday in Osh, epicentre of a wave of ethnic bloodshed, in a referendum likely to pave the way for the creation of Central Asia’s first parliamentary democracy. - Photo by Reuters. The recent violence in southern Kyrgyzstan, which left 2,000 people dead and led to the displacement of over 100,000 others, entailed clashes between the region’s two main ethnic groups, the Kyrgyz and Uzbeks. But the dust has barely settled on the ruined cities of Osh and Jalalabad, and already allegations are surfacing that a ‘third force’ — Islamic extremist organisations and militant groups — spurred the violence. The question of whether militants were involved in the Kyrgyzstan unrest should be of interest to Pakistan for various reasons. It could indicate whether recent military operations in the tribal belt have successfully driven out foreign militants from the region. More importantly, if it is found that militants were not active in the attacks against ethnic Uzbeks, our government might borrow a tip or two on staving off extremism from their counterparts in Bishkek. Earlier this week, the head of Kyrgyzstan’s State Security Service claimed that relatives of recently ousted president Kurmanbek Bakiyev conspired with Islamic militants to stir trouble in the country’s south. He warned that the former president’s son and brother had been in meetings with commanders of the Islamic Movement of Uzbekistan (IMU) as well as the Afghan Taliban and Tajik militants. Without implicating the Bakiyevs, a UN special envoy to the region also cautioned of an extremist threat brewing in Central Asia, particularly in the over-populated, multi-ethnic Ferghana valley that stretches across Uzbekistan and Kyrgyzstan. Moscow also aired fears that Kyrgyzstan’s south could transform into a safe haven for transnational militants. It would hardly come as a surprise to learn that extremists are active in Kyrgyzstan as all the factors that breed militancy are present. The country’s south offers a major drug trafficking route out of Afghanistan and is rife with poverty, illiteracy, ethnic tensions and frustrated youth. Kyrgyzstan is also a frontline state in the ‘Great Game’ between Russia and the US: it operates under Moscow’s political shadow even while hosting the American Manas airbase, which supplies US troops fighting in Afghanistan. Further, the Central Asian state borders China’s restive Xinjiang province, where Muslim Uighurs have recently pushed up against Beijing’s restrictive take on language and religion. As such, Kyrgyzstan’s geopolitical conundrum is poised to inspire much heady militant rhetoric. The extremist group Hizbut Tahrir (HT) — which aims to establish an Islamic caliphate and enjoys some social support in the country — has championed Muslim rule as a way to free Kyrgyzstan from the “hegemony of regional and global powers”. In other parts of the Muslim world, such campaigns have proved effective in recruiting disenfranchised youth to the extremist cause. The country also has a history of militant activity. In 2005, extremists were found to be behind a rebellion in the Ferghana valley. And for the past two years, defence analysts have pointed out that IMU militants who had relocated to the border region between Pakistan and Afghanistan have been returning to their homes. Despite this extremism-conducive cocktail, analysts, international monitors and journalists remain sceptical of the government’s claims that militants were involved in the recent ethnic violence. An ongoing inquiry has not pointed fingers at such groups, and no group has claimed responsibility for the violence. There are greater concerns that the security forces of the interim government sided with ethnic Kyrgyz in attacks against the southern Uzbeks. Security analysts warn that invocations of militancy are a political ploy to distract attention from this fact and permanently discredit Bakiyev. If it is shown that there was no militant involvement in the unrest, Kyrgyzstan’s crackdown against such groups in recent years will have proven to be effective, and could offer guidelines for other states facing a similar threat. In 2005, the country’s Supreme Court issued a ban on radical Islamic groups, including the HT, IMU, the East Turkestan Liberation Organisation, and the East Turkestan Islamic Party (the latter two act on behalf of China’s Uighurs). At the time, critics of the ban asserted that it was a savvy geopolitical move, aimed at pleasing the US, Russia and China, rather than a genuine security measure. Either way, the ban curtailed the groups’ activities and drove members abroad. The Kyrgyz authorities have also favoured long prison terms for those found guilty of extremist activity. While in the first half of this decade members of groups such as HT were handed down sentences of one to three years’ imprisonment, recent sentences have averaged between five and seven years. In 2008, a Kyrgyz court sentenced Islamists to 20 years in jail for demonstrating in the country’s south. Although there are now concerns that militant networks are being established behind bars, strong punitive measures have minimised militant recruitment. In January 2009, the former president Bakiyev also signed a controversial law aimed at neutralising Islamic movements. It banned proselytising, private religious education, and the import and dissemination of religious literature; prevented children from joining religious organisations; and made it more difficult to register religious groups. Human rights groups rejected the law, saying that it violated the freedom to religious expression. No doubt, Bakiyev should have amended certain sections of the law to bring them in line with international standards of religious freedom. But his non-military, multifaceted approach to tackling militancy holds a lesson for countries like Pakistan that are taking too narrow an approach in their fight against extremism. Other factors have also played a role in keeping militancy at bay in Kyrgyzstan. For instance, many IMU fighters have been distracted by activities in Afghanistan. That they were not involved in the recent violence indicates that they are settled in safe havens in North Waziristan. It also helps that the HT and IMU have disparate agendas, which has prevented a unified extremist movement from taking hold (though the Pakistani example has shown how easily joint militant momentum can be gained). In the wake of ethnic unrest, Kyrgyzstan’s interim government is seeking to establish legitimacy and introduce constitutional changes to strengthen the parliament. Islamabad should keep an eye on developments in the country — its battle with militancy is a mirror of our own troubles. 
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Shift in UK’s political tectonic plates
Normally, British politics is a ferocious sport. Its parliamentary debates are often pugilistic and personal. The questions asked of politicians by journalists are often so aggressive or implicitly insulting that one wonders why their recipients don’t walk out of interviews in a huff, or wither on the spot from humiliation, writes Eva Hoffman
Normally, British politics is a ferocious sport. Its parliamentary debates are often pugilistic and personal. The British media have been described as “feral” (a word used by Tony Blair, among others). The questions asked of politicians by journalists are often so aggressive or implicitly insulting that one wonders why their recipients don’t walk out of interviews in a huff, or wither on the spot from humiliation. But nothing has been normal in Britain of late. For one thing, there is the new coalition government – a rarity unseen since the end of World War II. Then, there are the reactions to the new government, which have been marked by a temperateness of tone that is highly unusual – and all the more surprising, given that David Cameron, the new prime minister, has not exactly been the bearer of good news. Cameron’s central proposition is that Britain is in a state of “crisis”, and that getting through it will require fortitude and patience. In a major speech, he warned that there is “pain” ahead, and that it will be felt by everyone, as severe spending cuts will be required to bring down Britain’s massive fiscal deficit. Ordinarily, such pronouncements would provoke outcries of dismay, and of real or pretended indignation. And, of course, there have been demurrals and criticisms. But, aside from former Labour ministers, protesting bitterly at being blamed for the state of the economy, the response has been remarkably civil and thoughtful. What has happened? Perhaps an alliance between Conservatives and Liberals – the two parties ostensibly farthest apart in their views – confounded everyone out of their certainties. This in itself may be no bad thing. But the “absence of war”, as the British playwright David Hare once called it, suggests that Britain’s political tectonic plates have shifted. For one thing, the coalition exposes an undercurrent in British political life that has coexisted – almost furtively – with heated rhetoric: convergence among the main parties towards a kind of centrist synthesis on most of the big issues. In a sense, the Conservative-Liberal coalition represents a culmination of this trend. The policies and positions articulated by the new government suggest not so much the once vaunted Third Way (a slogan for the age of prosperity) as a carefully calibrated Middle Way. It is clear, for example, that the sacred cows of public services and social benefits – among the most extensive in the world – will not remain untouched. Both will be subject to cuts. In addition, Cameron is proposing other reforms, such as requiring people, after several years’ unemployment, to accept a job offer, even if it is not the applicant’s preference. This may help break the demoralising cycle of unemployment and alienation. But, to be clear, no one is thinking of eliminating basic services, or dismantling the social safety net. There will also be new restraints on immigration. These come, however, after a vast influx of legal and illegal immigrants. But no one is suggesting that Britain should become a mono-cultural country again. At the other end of the economic spectrum, banking practices will – one hopes – be better regulated, following a prolonged period of stunning financial irresponsibility. Clearly, however, nationalisation, or a state-managed economy, is not in the cards. For all the discomforts that may lie ahead, Britain is not about to enter an age of brutal austerity. Instead, what the coalition seems to be proposing is a sort of correction, a retrenchment from various excesses and dysfunctions to something more restrained and disciplined. 
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‘My days with Michael Jackson’
One year on from Michael Jackson’s death, US musician Sheryl Crow pays tribute to the late performer as she prepares to release a new record inspired by soul and R&B. “Like so many other people, I didn’t really weigh the importance of his presence until he was gone,” says the 48-year-old, who toured with Jackson in the 1980s. “The Jackson 5’s ABC record was the first album I ever owned, and Michael ended up giving me my first gig as a back-up singer.” Crow’s latest album, 100 Miles from Memphis, features a cover version of the Jackson 5 song I Want You Back, which the singer describes as “a sort of homage”. “It was a bitter-sweet moment for me to sing that song with the experience that I’d had with him,” she reveals. Crow’s last album, 2008 release Detours, followed a eventful period in her life in which she split from fiance Lance Armstrong, adopted a baby son and was diagnosed with breast cancer. All the above inevitably influenced the finished record, an emotionally charged collection of songs with a pronounced political edge. Having since adopted a second son, however, Crow has produced a more upbeat disc that harks back to the music she listened to while growing up in Kennett, Missouri. “For years I wanted to make a record that was directly linked to my earliest influences,” she says. “After Detours, it seemed a great time to make something that was a more light-hearted, a little more sexy and not quite as heavy.” As the title suggests, Crow grew up near to Memphis, Tennessee - an important force in the genesis of country, rock & roll and the blues. “I grew up listening to a lot of Stax music, a lot of Memphis artists like Al Green, and a lot of Motown,” the singer recalls. “This record is really a throwback to old soul, with a lot of lyrics based in sensuality and emotion,” she continues. Rolling Stone Keith Richards appears on one of the tracks, while Memphis-born Justin Timberlake sings on Crow’s version of the Terence Trent D’Arby hit Sign Your Name. “It’s a great song,” she says of the track, which reached number two in the UK singles chart in 1988. “It was really fun to out a sort of Al Green twist on it.” The year has been one of transition and change for the Grammy award-winning artist, typified by the adoption of baby Levi she announced on her website last month. “It’s always an enriching experience having a new little member in your life,” she continues, saying her other adopted son - Wyatt, now three - is “very excited” about having a little brother.

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Hopes for Women
A women committee has been successful in bringing peace and hopes for the women at Bishnupur under Shathia police station in Pabna district. According to an exclusive news item carried by the News Today, the 695 strong committee works against superstition, illiteracy, dowry and torture on housewives. The Women Action Committee of Bishnupur has spectacularly organized 386 dowry-free marriages. Besides, they have resolved 23,940 cases of disputes between husbands and wives. They have also convinced every family of the village to send their children to school. We understand the actions of the committee have ensured gender equality and women empowerment in their area. The women have therefore included mainstream development activities. This very important for the country. Sustainable development of the country is not possible keeping the women in a pitiable condition. In Bangladesh, a little more than a half of the population are women. They must be allowed to join their hands in development activities. They must be freed from all kinds of disparities. They must also be freed from violence. Besides, we need to ensure their freedom of choice. They must be allowed to say ‘yes’ or ‘no’ according to their wish in every situation. The national poet, Kazi Nazrul Islam, has very wisely observed that the credit goes equally to men and women for all the wonderful achievements of the world. It is therefore clear that women have the ability to do every thing like their male counterparts. We cannot therefore keep the women outside development activities. The women should get equal opportunities in every spheres of the society. They must also be freed from fatwas (rulings by religious courts) and illiteracy. Women everywhere in the country should follow the examples of the women at Bishnupur and bring peace and hopes at every family in the country. Shaila Karim Gulshan-2, Dhaka
Noise pollution
It sounds strange that the government has no policy for controlling sound pollution. Many individuals and organizations have continued to pollute the environment with loud and avoidable sounds though various environment pollutions including noise pollution are responsible for more than 30 human diseases. We demand immediate formulation and implementation of a policy for controlling sound pollution. It is unbelievable that automobiles blew high volume horns almost without any acceptable reason. Industrial units, including those situated in residential areas create sounds of dangerous decibels. Music shops do the same without considering the trouble it creates. These are only a few of the long list of violators. The government has to react to this nuisance immediately and effectively. A publicity campaign should also be launched to create awareness about the harmful effect of noise pollution. Each and every member of the society should be conscious about the devastating effect of pollutions, noise pollution in particular. Nobody should undermine noise pollution. It is no better than other pollution. People must have to avoid unnecessary noises. Then they must not make sounds beyond acceptable decibels. Residential areas and areas of schools and colleges must be freed from excessive noises. Keramat Ali Sadarghat, Dhaka
Smelly water
Many city dwellers are forced to use contaminated and smelly running water and subsequently develop several diseases including dysentery and diarrhoea. The problem has reached a dangerous level at Shewrapara under Mirpur in the city. The water supplied by Dhaka WASA remains unfit for human consumption even after boiling. It is understood that the water lines have been damaged at several places and got mixed up with sewerage lines. So the water tastes extremely bitter and gives very bad smell. But the WASA has taken no step to remedy the situation. Polluted water has been taking its toll. Diarrhoea and dysentery have broken out in the city in an epidemic form. We understand that a final improvement of the situation will be possible only after solution of the water crisis. It has resulted in an influx of diarrhoea patients at the ICDDR,B Hospital in Dhaka. The number of patients was already three times it had this time last year. The running WASA water is extremely scarce. Still more dangerous is the fact that it is dirty and smelly. But the people are compelled to consume it and develop the disease. Experts say, warm weather helps the bacteria of diarrhea to replicate faster leading to increase the number of patients. Usually diarrhea breaks out in late April. But this year a huge number of diarrhea patients have been coming to the ICDDR,B a month ahead. It is clear that water and power crises are causing this horrific situation. City dwellers, particularly those residing at slums and suburbs, are forced to drink polluted water as frequent load shedding disrupts the WASA supply. WASA has many justified reasons for their failure to supply sufficient quantity of clear water. The main reason is power crisis. For it the WASA cannot tape and supply water to the residents. The crisis is very likely to aggravate. The government must take some emergency measures to address the crisis. The situation is so grave that there is no scope to ignore it. The authorities must ensure that the WASA get necessary quantity of electricity daily. Failure to ensure this may cause death of thousands residents, particularly the children. Subsequently it will result in violent public outburst. Soharab Hossain Shewrapara, Mirpur, Dhaka

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